【新唐人2015年01月22日讯】最近有香港媒体披露，现任中共政治局常委刘云山，能从劣迹斑斑的宣传部部长晋升十八大常委大位，与前党魁江泽民的大力运作有关，两人之间达成了一个“两不要”的秘密协议，而且，时至今日，刘云山仍然屡有搅局习近平之举。
据香港《争鸣》杂志2015年1月号报导，刘云山之所以能够成为一匹黑马，进入十八大常委，全靠江泽民的大力提拔，但江泽民提拔刘云山是有附带条件的，江泽民明确要求刘云山“两个不要”，就是“不要报导党内任何不一致的观点，即所谓的噪音，也不要报导任何社会上的负面现象。”
《争鸣》报导说，这句话其实早在美国投资家库恩，撰写的《江泽民传记》里面就有记载。
据了解，美国人库恩是刘云山引荐给江泽民的。此前有海外媒体指出，库恩撰写的那本吹捧江泽民的英文传记，正是刘云山“努力的成果”。
《争鸣》还说，2002年10月，中共十六大即将举行，江泽民在会议进行前半个月，勒令有邓小平家族背景的中宣部部长丁关根去位，让时任常务副部长兼中央文明委下设办公室主任的刘云山接任。刘云山从此“投入”了江泽民的“怀抱”。而在习近平尚未正式接班之时，习近平也不敢在十八大举行前钦点中宣部部长。“圈子文化”再次在宣传系统权力传递中，发挥了看不见的作用。
报导引述港媒消息指出，在十八大中央委员选举中，习近平得票最高，“全票当选”，李克强比习少一票。掌管意识形态的刘云山，得票数在七名常委中最低，连未能入常的汪洋，也比他多，这证明中共党内选举完全是自欺欺人的把戏。
中国问题独立评论员李善鉴：“江和刘云山之间存在的这种秘密的协议，这个事情一点都不奇怪的。刘云山作为江努力推到台面上，帮助他继续掌控中共宣传机器的这么一个人物，其实整个这个事情一直是很明确的。”
《争鸣》1月号还披露，来自中纪委方面的消息称，在违反中共党内保密纪律方面，刘云山已被记录在案。习近平十八大后废除了重大事项向退休常委通报的惯例，并列为“纪律”要求各常委遵循，但刘云山仍以“家臣”身份，通过“不正常途径”向江泽民通报，并先后向苏荣、徐才厚、周永康等，私下传递了调查程序里所涉及的重点问题。
李善鉴：“过去高官下马之前，无论是薄熙来、周永康啊等等，他都是用这些方式，先在国外的媒体上（发文章），然后在国内的媒体上说谣言啊，通过这些方式，实际上他在做一种舆论的铺垫，我们其实可以比较细心的预测，习跟江派的摊牌已经是迫在眉睫了。”
报导透露，习近平去年1月在中纪委三中全会上曾痛斥“圈子文化”，更称“干部不是哪个人的家臣”。这个讲话被党内人士称为习近平“骂闲街”。与习近平核心智囊班子有密切关系的北京消息人士爆料称，原本习近平是想让“骂闲街”在去年初就公开，但刘云山借口江泽民“两个不要”的头一条，“豁出位子”死命抵制习近平。
报导点明，习近平的“家臣论”，就是在敲打刘云山向其主子江泽民透露重要讯息。
时事评论员陈明慧：“现在两个人是暗中在使劲在发力。不光是刘，包括他以前的党羽像赵本山，现在大陆媒体也在封杀他，围剿他。我觉得从1月3号江登东山岭，到现在（爆出）刘云山事件，说明他们已经到了一个白热化。至于下一步是否会有大的动作，甚至不停地放风，年会有比周更大的老虎落网，比周更大的，那肯定是现任的常委，或者说是曾啊江家的那些人。”
据了解，截止到去年12月31号，包括《新华社》《人民日报社》和中共文化部在内的三大喉舌机构“掌门人”，已经全部被更换。
不过，习近平在1月13号的中纪委第十八届五中全会上直言，反腐还没有取得“压倒性胜利”。时事评论员邢天行指出，这次讲话和之前的反腐“上不封顶”讲话，都表明了，习近平已经把矛头直接指向江泽民。
采访/陈汉 编辑/陈洁 后制/李智远
Secret Conditions for Liu Yunshan’s Promotion By Jiang Zemin
Recently, Hong Kong media revealed that the promotion of Liu Yunshan from the ministry of Public Relations Department with a poor track record is linked to exploits by former party chief Jiang Zemin. Liu was promoted to a member of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Politburo Standing Committee at the 18th National Congress of CCP Liu was said to have entered into a secret “Two No’s" agreement with Jiang and up to this present day, Liu Yunshan continues to sabotage Xi Jinping’s operations.
According to a report from Hong Kong magazine “Chengming" published in January 2015, Liu Yunshan’s entrance into the Eighteenth Politburo Standing Committee as a dark horse was brought about by Jiang Zemin’s vigorous promotion. But Jiang’s promotion of Liu Yunshan came with conditions. Jiang explicitly required “Two No’s" from Liu Yunshan. First, Liu must not “report any inconsistent viewpoints within the party, which are so-called ‘noises'". Secondly, Liu must not report on any negative social phenomena.
According to the report from “Chengming", these two conditions were already mentioned long ago in “The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin" written by U.S. investor Robert Lawrence Kuhn.
According to understandings, Kuhn was recommended to Jiang Zemin by Liu Yunshan. Foreign media have pointed out previously that the biography written by Kuhn which touted Jiang Zemin was Liu Yunshan’s “fruit of labour".
Magazine “Chengming" also said that two weeks before the 16th CCP National Congress in October 2002, Jiang Zemin ordered the removal of then head of Central Propaganda Department, Minister Ding Guangen. Ding had a family background from Deng Xiaoping’s clan. The post was instead taken over by Liu Yunshan who was then acting as the deputy to Ding Guangen and Chairman of the CPC Central Guidance Commission for Building Spiritual Civilisation. This move brought Liu Yunshan into Jiang Zemin’s embrace. It could not be undone by Xi Jinping who abstained from appointing the head of Central Propaganda Department before he officially took over the party leadership during the 18th Congress. As can be seen, the clique culture had a strong but invisible influence on the passing of power in the propaganda system.
The report cited news from Hong Kong media that during the voting for the eighteenth CCP Politburo Standing Committee, Xi Jinping received the highest vote and was “unanimously elected". Li Keqiang had one less vote than Xi. Liu Yunshan who was in control of ideology received the least votes among the 7 Politburo Standing Committee members. Even Wangyang, who was unable to enter the Politburo Standing Committee, had more votes than Liu. This shows that the internal party election is entirely a show of self-deceit.
Chinese independent commentator Li Shan Kam: It is not surprising that there is a secret agreement between Jiang and Liu Yunshan. Jiang actively sought to push Liu Yunshan to the table to help him maintain his control over the CCP propaganda machine. Actually, this whole thing has been very clear.
According to the January edition of Chengming, there were news from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection that Liu Yunshan had discipline records for breaching rules of internal party confidentiality. After the 18th National Congress, Xi Jinping abolished the customary practice of reporting major events and happenings to retired Politburo Standing Committee members. Instead, rules of confidentiality were established as part of party discipline. However, Liu Yunshan continued to report to Jiang Zemin via “unorthodox means" in his capacity as Jiang’s vassal. He has also secretly passed information of important issues and protocols of anti-corruption investigations to Su Rong, Xu Caihou, Zhou Yongkang and other targets of Xi’s anti-corruption campaign.
Li Shan Kam: In the past, when a high ranking official was about to fall, whether he is Bo Xilai, Zhou Yongkang or others, Liu Yunshan always adopted certain tactics. He will spread rumors using both foreign and domestic media to direct public opinion. We can predict now, with care, that the showdown between Xi’s faction and Jiang’s faction is about to begin.
The report also mentioned that Xi Jinping once made a harsh criticism over the “clique culture" at the 3rd plenary session of the Discipline Inspection Commission in January last year. He also stated: party cadres should not become other people’s vassals. Party insiders call this speech by Xi Jinping as “scolding the streets". Informants who have close connections with the core members of Xi Jinping’s think tank revealed that Xi Jinping originally wanted his “speech" to be released to the public in the beginning of last year. But as Liu Yunshan was bound by Jiang Zemin’s “two no’s", he resisted Xi Jinping at great expense.
The report explained that the “vassal theory" articulated by Xi was directly targeted at Liu Yushan who repeatedly leaked important information to his master Jiang Zemin.
Current affairs commentator Chen Minghui: Right now, the two of them are secretly making use of all their power in the struggle. It is not just Liu Yunshan, but also party henchmen like Zhao Benshan. I feel that since Jan. 3 when Jiang climbed Dongshan’s ridge to the current (discovery) of the Liu Yunshan incident, they have reached a critical phase. Will Xi make a big move for his next step? There have been rumours that bigger tigers than Zhou Yongkang would fall. If the tiger is bigger than Zhou, he must be a current member of the Politburo Standing Committee, or either Zeng Qinghong or Jiang Zemin.
According to reports, the “chief" of the 3 main mouthpiece organizations including Xinhua News Agency, People’s Daily and CCP Ministry of Culture have all been replaced on the 31st December last year.
However, Xi Jinping announced at the fifth plenary session of the 18th CCDI (Discipline Inspection) of CCP on Jan. 13 that anti-corruption has yet to achieve a thorough victory. Current affairs commentator Xing Tianxing pointed out that this speech and Xi’s earlier speech on how the anti-corruption campaign has no limits are clear indications that Xi Jinping has poised his spear at Jiang Zemin.
Interview/ChenHui Edit/ChenJie
