【新唐人2013年11月14日讯】中共三中全会召开前传的沸沸扬扬的“383改革方案”，在三中全会的会议公告中缩水。会议公报宣称，中共中央将成立“全面深化改革领导小组”，暗示着“383改革方案”并没有达成一致。大陆专家学者指出，中共不放弃一党专政的政治体制，一切改革都是空谈。
中共三中全会结束，立即宣布将建立一个委员会来“深化改革”，但是没有表明，这些改革什么时候通过。国外媒体报导说，这暗示共产党领导人，仅仅对泛泛的主题表示同意，但是对于细节，诸如国有企业的地位等问题，则展开厮杀。
在三中全会召开之前，国务院发展研究中心公布了一份“383改革方案”，提出必须推动行政管理体制、垄断行业、土地制度、金融体系、财税体制、国有资产管理体制、创新体制，以及对外开放等，八个重点领域的改革。
专家认为，三中全会仅仅呼吁泛泛的金融和财政改革。
在农村改革问题上，公报没有直接赞同给予农民对他们耕种土地的所有权，和出售土地的权利。只是呼吁给予他们更大的财产权，以及公平获得公共服务的权利。
对于中国国有企业，公报声称，国有企业和私营公司都是“国家经济和社会发展的基础”。同时，公报说，改革必须“体现公有制经济的领导作用”，暗示﹕中国庞大的国有企业将继续扮演突出角色。
原中共国务院办公厅秘书俞梅荪认为，公报没有完全体现“383改革方案”，显示经过三中全会当中的博弈和讨论，方案有所收缩。
另外，在三中全会会议期间，《中国日报》引述国资委企业改革局局长白英姿的话报导说，私人投资者可购买国企10%-15%的股份。但是随后国资委在官方微博中“辟谣”指称﹕报导失实。官方前后矛盾的表态，令人怀疑中共高层发生分歧。
就像外界广泛预期的那样，公报没有提及政治体制改革。
前中共国务院办公厅秘书 俞梅荪：“3.46实际上政治体制不改革，一党专制，官场腐败，权钱交易，权贵经济和权贵法治，这个不变化的话，所有的改革都是要面临利益集团强烈的抗拒的。所以都是很难实现的。”
据说司法权要从地方独立出来直属中央。俞梅荪说，司法本来就很腐败，如果独立出来，腐败可能更加猖獗。
俞梅荪前年12月到哈尔滨呼兰区开发区，向村民普及他当年参与制定的《全国人大村民委员会自治法》，倡导农民自己选举。
俞梅荪：“问题是投票的结果，投票最高的没有当选，一个类似黑社会这类的人，他通过地方党政支持，他反而当上村民委员会主任。农民跟我提出：如果这个村民委员会主任不是民选的，是上面安排的，他照样可以买卖土地，照样可以掠夺农民的土地，照样可以强拆。所以任何一个改革一碰就是个政治体制改革的问题。”
北京注册会计师杜延林认为，中国经济生活的不平等，不在于国有企业占据优势地位，而在于整个国家的现实是，所有资源都是跟权力相结合的，因此这不是一个国企改革的问题，而是一个政治体制改革的问题。
北京注册会计师杜延林：“所有的资源都控制在权力手里。那么怎么解决这个问题？其实不是一个国有体制改革能够解决的，肯定是跟政治体制改革有关的。就是增加社会监督，增加一个真正的外部监督的问题。如果不能解决这个问题，市场经济跟权力的脱钩是非常困难的。”
美国中文媒体《大纪元时报》评论指出，这次三中全会提到的改革问题，触及到政府不同的部委，不同的层级，不同的派系，引发巨大的权力和利益转移，也就必然导致不同派系之间、中央与地方之间的强烈争夺以及利益集团的阻击。
评论说，中共媒体高调炒作涉及司法、国企和土地等敏感议题，是中共在空前亡党危机下试图保权、保党的一次大举动。然而，纵观中国政局核心问题与政治、经济、社会状况，中共大势已去，无力回天。
采访编辑/秦雪 后制/陈建铭
Reform Programs Shrink in China
The shrinking of 383 Reform Plans caused uproar
during the Third Plenary Session
of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
The communiqué declared that the CCP will set up
a deep comprehensive leading reform group,
hinting that they did not reach an agreement
on 383 reform plans.
Mainland scholars point out that without giving up
the one-party dictatorship, all reforms are empty talk.
The CCP announced its deep reform right after the Third
Plenary Session, but it did not indicate the exact time.
Foreign media reports said that this suggests the CCP
leaders only agreed on the subject matter such as
state-owned enterprises and other issues, but not
the details, and then started fighting.
Eight key areas were listed in the 383 Reform Plans:
promotion of an administrative management system,
monopolized industries, land system, financial system,
tax system, state-owned assets management system,
innovation system, and externally opening up
to other countries.
Experts believe that the CCP leaders discussed only
general financial and fiscal reforms in the session.
With rural reform, the communiqué did not directly
endorse giving farmers their arable land
and the right to sell land.
They just called for giving farmers more rights
and equitable access to public services.
Regarding state-owned enterprises, the communiqué
said that state enterprises and private enterprises
are foundations of national economic
and social developments.
Meanwhile, the communiqué said that the reform must
reflect the leadership role of public economy, meaning
that China’s huge state-owned enterprises will continue
to play a prominent role.
Yu Mei Sun, former secretary of the State Council,
believes that the communiqué did not fully reflect
the 383 Reform Plans, which after the session showed
reform plans shrank.
In addition, China Daily quoted that during the session,
the director of Enterprises Reform Bureau said
that private investors may purchase 10-15%
of state-owned enterprises.
Later officials from the reform bureau claimed
that it was a misunderstanding.
This controversy shows the disagreement
within the leadership.
As widely expected, the communiqué did not mention
political system reform.
Yu Mei Sun: “In reality, without political system reform,
the one-party rule, official corruption, money and power
rule of law will continue, then all reform plans
are facing resistance from strong interest groups.
Thus, it is difficult to carry out any reform.”
It is said that local judicial power should be independent
and directly under the Central government.
Yu Mei Sun believes that the justice system is bad
enough now, if goes under the central government, it will become worse.
In December 2011, Yu went to Hulan District of Harbin
and showed farmers how to get involved
in the development of the NPC village committee
autonomy.
Yu Mei Sun: “The problem is the election.
The one that gets the most votes is not elected,
but an underworld figure, through local party
and government support, can become the director
of the village committee.
Farmers said that if he is not elected by farmers,
he can still sell land, rob farmers of their land
and demolish farmers’ houses.
So, it is a question of political system reform.”
Du Yanlin, Beijing CPA, believes that China’s
economic inequality does not lie in the dominance
of state-owned enterprises, but in all resources
combined with the power.
Thus, it is not a matter of state-owned enterprises,
but of a political system reform.
Du Yanlin: “All resources are in the hands
of the powerful.
How do we solve this problem?
It cannot be resolved by state-owned enterprises reform,
but it can be resolved with political system reform.
It means that we need more public monitoring.
Otherwise, a market economy separated from power
will be very difficult.”
The Epoch Times in the US pointed out that reform
issues during the session touched on various government
ministries, different levels, and different factions,
causing a huge shift of power and interests.
It will inevitably lead to strong fighting between
the central government and local governments,
in addition to interest groups’ opposition.
The report from the Epoch Times said that the CCP
media hype involved high-profile judicial,
state-owned enterprises, land and other issues.
It is an unprecedented move for the CCP
to save the party and its rule.
However, looking at China’s political core issues
and political, economic and social conditions,
the CCP has reached the point of no return.
