【新唐人2014年05月06日訊】大陸當局日前高調紀念「五四」學生運動95週年。與此同時，海外輿論注意到中共在建政前後，對學生運動的態度截然不同。最典型的是1989年鎮壓和屠殺以學生為主體的「反官倒、反腐敗」行動。其實近年來，學生群體無論在維權事件中，還是在退出中共黨團隊的活動中，他們的參與都遭到了當局的迫害。
大陸「五四青年節」當天，中共國家主席習近平到北京大學考察，並在校園中觀看了北大師生紀念「五四運動95週年」的詩朗誦表演。大陸媒體對此廣泛報導。
1989年5月4號，抗議學生在「五四運動70週年」再次發起大遊行，主題是「慶祝五四，為民請命」。他們認為自己正在參與一場「新五四運動」。
美國《紐約時報》在5月4號發表了文章﹕「從五四到六四：一次歷史話語權的較量」。
1989年6月4號凌晨，在天安門廣場、長安街等多處，中共派遣全副武裝的軍人鎮壓和屠殺了大量要求「反腐敗、反官倒」的學生和市民。當時，天安門廣場中央的所謂人民英雄紀念碑上和臺階上都留下彈痕。而紀念碑的底座上有一幅浮雕，表現的正是1919年的「五四」學生運動。
中共在建政前，對學生運動加以利用、歌頌，而在掌權後卻給以鎮壓和屠殺，這種不同的態度和做法引起了學者們的關注。
原山東大學教授孫文廣：「共產黨是實用主義的態度，五四學生運動要反對北洋軍閥，共產黨就可以為自己增加一些合法性的依據，但是天安門的學生運動發生在共產黨掌權的時候，雖然他們的口號和五四運動也有很多類似，但是它就要派坦克車來鎮壓。」
1989年「六四」後，歷史學者、原首都師範大學教育科學學院副教授李元華的一位同事告訴他：原本北京師範大學的新生入學時，學校都要介紹校史，也就是介紹以前學生運動中「北師大」學長們的行動。但是在「六四」後，中共的大學領導突然不知道如何講述這段歷史了。
李元華：「它也知道已經有悖論。中共把它之前正常的政府都描寫為一個黑暗的政府，所以任何跟政府敵對的勢力，它都會極力奉揚。反政府等於是給它篡得政權有一個合法性的說明。而在它現政下，任何的所謂追求民主，追求普世價值的活動，它都是殘酷鎮壓的。」
美國加州大學歐文分校歷史學教授華志堅，長期研究中國學生抗議運動。
他觀察到：「現在很難想像1989年的那一幕會再次上演，其中一個原因就是過去25年裡，政府(中共)耗費了大量精力，竭力要把那場運動重演的機會減到最小。」但是他強調「五四的傳統並沒有在中國徹底消亡」。
2012年7月初，四川甚邡上百名中學生因為擔心鉬銅項目污染環境，到市政府門前抗議，結果遭到當地警方鎮壓，引起更多市民參與和支持。這些中學生喊出「我們可以犧牲，我們是90後」，讓全世界對中國新一代學生讚譽有加。
李元華：「年輕人接受新鮮事物的能力比較強一點，更勇於嚐試一些新的東西，對未來社會有一種憧憬，顧慮比較少，有一股熱血，這個也是他(們)能在運動當中走到最前列，成為主要的推動力的一個原因。」
在2005年後出現的退出中共黨團隊的活動中，包括學生在內的一億多中國人選擇了退出中共的一切組織。中共對於傳播《九評共產黨》的正義人士，嚴加抓捕，施以重刑。
李元華：「覺醒不是光學生，應該是整個民族的覺醒，包括每一個中國人的覺醒。年輕人因為他可以突破網絡，所以對社會的問題反應也比較快一點。隨著信息傳播的發達，更多的中國人可以突破中共的封鎖，更多的中國人是會覺醒的。」
積極參與各種民主運動的大陸青年歐彪峰，5月3號在「推特」上問：「五四運動」時期的那種理想與激情，在當今青年身上還能看到嗎？
「六四」學生領袖之一的周鋒鎖回答他：「不用找，你就不錯。」
採訪編輯/唐音 後製/蕭宇
Student Movement: 1919 vs. 1989
While the Chinese Communist Party claimed to commemorate
the 95th Anniversary of May Fourth Movement of 1919,
foreign media noticed the opposite attitudes of the regime
towards student movements before and after coming to power.
Most noteworthy was the suppression and killing of the 1989
student protest against the profiteering and corruption of the regime.
In fact, students continue to be subject to persecution by the
CCP regime during rights defending activities and/or the
denouncement of the CCP and its associated organizations.
Chinese President Xi Jinping was reportedly to visit Peking
University during the Youth Day in commemoration of the 95th
Anniversary of the May Fourth Movement.
On May 4, 1989, another student protest was initiated on the
70th Anniversary of the May Fourth Movement.
In the name of ‘celebrating the May 4, and pleading for the
people’, students claimed it a ‘New May 4 Movement’.On May 1, NY Times published, “Q & A: Jeffrey Wasserstrom on History, Dissent and the Power of May 4 in China."
In the morning of June 4, 1989, heavily armed soldiers
conducted the mass killing in Tiananmen Square, leaving bullet
holes in Tiananmen Square, including the CCP’s Monument to the
People’s Heroes, which has a frieze showing 1919’s students protest.
Scholars criticize how the CCP had taken advantage and praised
the students’ movement prior to their governing and then
suppressed and murdered the students after coming to power.
Sun Wenguang, former Shandong University professor:
“The CCP is of pragmatism. They utilized the 1919 student
movement to oppose the Northern warlords for establishing its
legitimacy basis. But the 1989 student movement took place after the CCP came
to power. Even though sharing similar slogans, the students were faced
with the tanks. “
Historian Li Yuanhua described what his colleague at Beijing
Normal University had said to him after the 1989 students’ protest:
The University would routinely introduce University history to
the freshmen, in particular, the participation in the 1919 student
movement. After the 1989 massacre, this University history has become a
tough subject for the CCP leaders at the University.
Li Yuanhua: “There is contradiction. The CCP had described a
legitimate government as a dark force, and vice versa.
Opposing the government was to its advantage to usurp the
political power. Under its ruling, any pursuit of democracy or universal values
will only meet its brutal suppression. “
Jeffrey Wasserstrom, a history professor at the University of
California, Irvine, who has studied student protests in China,
said, “It’s hard right now to imagine something like 1989
happening again for various reasons, one of which is simply that
the government has spent a lot of energy over the last 25 years
working to minimize the chances of a replay." He also stated, “I wouldn’t write the May Fourth tradition off completely."
Take the high school students at Shifang, Sichuan as an example.
In early July 2012, hundreds of students protested against the
polluting molybdenum-copper project. Local police repression only led to more participants. The students’ slogan, “We can sacrifice, we are the 1990’s
generations," has won world approval.
Li Yuanhua: “The younger generations have higher capacity to
absorb new things. Their daring courage and vision of the future
have much less concerns. Their passion allows them to become the leaders and the
driving force."
Among more than 100 million Chinese people who quit the CCP,
there are numerous students as well. The CCP has conducted strict arrest and imposed heavy penalties on those who participated in the righteous activities to quit the CCP.
Li Yuanhua: “It is not just the students, but the entire nation
should awaken. The younger generations are able to pass the firewall and obtain
outside information through the Internet, and thus react to the
social trend much quicker. Following the spread of information, more Chinese will break through the CCP’s blockade and awaken."
Ou Fengbiao is a younger generation actively participating in
various democratic movements in China. On May 3 he asked on Twitter: Is the kind of ideals and passion of the May Fourth still seen in the youth nowadays?
One of the 1989 student movement leaders Zhou Fengsuo
responded: “Do not look around. They are still around."
Interview & Edit/TangYin Post-Production/XiaoYu
