【新唐人2013年06月12日訊】6月10號，中共黨媒發表署名文章，說中共官二代接班現象，嚴重解構中共執政的合法性，並批評掌權者不但自己選自己，現在索性就在自己的兒子、孫子、親戚、朋友中選繼承人。評論分析，中共黨內正在上演一宗錯綜複雜的宮廷大戲，這篇文章的出籠，明著，是在打擊世襲制，暗地裡，則是在影射中共國家主席習近平。
《學習時報》這篇文章說，近幾年，越來越多的消極腐敗現象被揭露出來，其中，最為人詬病的現象是官二代接班，不時有消息見諸報端：某書記的公子當了副縣長，某市長的女兒當了副書記，某主任的女婿當了常委等等。
文章說，掌權者不但自己選自己，而且現在索性在自己的兒子、孫子、親戚、朋友中選。這種現象嚴重解構了中共執政的合法性。
中國資深法學專家趙遠明表示，共產黨的所謂政權，本來就是非法竊取，更談不上執政合法性。所以為了保持權力在握，就搞子承父業，搞獨裁世襲。
中國資深法學專家趙遠明：「你看現在不光是官二代了，官三代、官四代，甚至官五代都已經有了，就是這些年輕人，沒甚麼政績、也沒甚麼經歷，就是靠家庭血源關係，有一個好爹，或者好爺爺，那麼就來當官。」
習近平和中紀委書記王歧山等人，都是中共元老的後代，被歸類為「太子黨」，也屬官二代。近期，有關前中共黨魁鄧小平之孫鄧卓棣，擔任廣西平果縣副縣長﹔以及葉劍英曾孫葉仲豪，擔任廣東雲浮市團委書記的報導，引發了輿論關注。
北京時政觀察人士華頗指出，這篇文章背景複雜，用意值得深思。雖然現在中共的「世襲現象」非常嚴重，但他認為，這是「上樑不正下樑歪」。
北京時政觀察人士華頗：「否定這種世襲來講，這不就否定老大習近平了嗎？再說了，這種私相授受來講，這是中共體制的本質，中共領導人哪個是選舉﹖老百姓推薦的﹖經過民主選舉上來的？都不是，都是內定的，習近平上來就是內定的。這篇文章的出籠，是黨內的一些人明著打世襲，暗地裡在影射習近平。」
5月31號習近平出國訪問，短短4天內，東北三省發生3起大火﹔同時，中共黨刊連登數篇否定「憲政」的文章﹔以及「六四」前，大肆抓捕所謂社會敏感人士等等。華頗認為，這一系列事件，絕非巧合，而是有些人有預謀的針對習近平本人，所採取的打擊措施。
華頗：「中共黨內原教旨主義者在黨校中、在宣傳、在組織、在政法這些部門當中，根基是相當龐大的，而且現在既得利益群體和左派結為一體，左派對習是不信任，既得利益集團對習是不滿意，所以他們兩家可以說已經聯合起來了，估計現在中共黨內正上演一齣錯綜複雜的宮廷大戲。」
時政評論員石濤認為，習近平的位置跟中共利益集團的衝突，已經走向了公開化。
時政評論員石濤：「6月3號的下午6點多，習近平的朋友、《香港陽光週刊》的老闆陳平，在自己辦公樓下面，被兩個專業人士襲擊了，打傷了，他自己的辦公室掛著他和習近平兩個人的照片，他們自己的家族之間是有聯繫的，打陳平就是打習近平。」
石濤表示，再加上，習近平主政最長的廈門，最近發生的公車爆炸案，顯然中共高層之間的打鬥，已經激化到了人身攻擊。他認為，目前習近平未必完全掌控局面。
採訪編輯/李韻 後製/李勇
Chinese State Media Severely Criticizes CCP Heredity System
On June 10, Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) state media published a signed article.
It said the succession of CCP princelings has
seriously deconstructed its legitimacy of rule.
It criticized that rulers elect themselves, and select their
successors from their sons, grandsons, relatives or friends.
It was commented that a court drama
was played out on stage within the CCP.
This article apparently critiqued the hereditary
system, but in fact, it alluded to President Xi Jinping.
The article, published in ‘Study Times’, said that
more and more corruption has been revealed recently.
Among them, the most criticized phenomenon
is the hereditary of CCP officials progeny.
From time to time, news surfaces that relates to this issue.
The son of a party secretary takes
the position of deputy magistrate.
The daughter of a mayor takes the
position of deputy CCP secretary.
The son of a director joins the Standing Committee, etc.
The article mentioned that rulers not only elect
themselves, but also select successors from
their own sons, grandsons, relatives or friends.
The phenomenon has seriously
effected the CCP’s legitimacy of rule.
Zhao Yuanming, a senior legal expert in China,
said that the so-called regime is stolen by CCP.
It is far from legitimate, and in order to keep power in their
hands, the CCP runs it’s dictatorship through heredity.
Zhao Yuanming: “It is not only the second
generation that power is passed to.
It is now the third, the fourth and even the fifth generation.
These young people, they don’t have
political achievements or experiences.
They rely on family blood relations – they have a powerful
father or powerful grandfather, and they become officials.”
Xi Jinping, and Wang Qishan, the CCDI secretary are
CCP elders’ offspring, and belong to the “princelings”.
This means they also belong to ‘officiallings’.
Recently, Deng Zhuodi, grandson of former
CCP leader Deng Xiaoping took the position
of Deputy Magistrate in Pingguo County in Guangxi.
Ye Zhonghao, great-grandson of Ye Jianying took the
position of Youth League secretary in Fuyun, Guangdong.
These reports sparked public concern.
Hua Po, a Beijing-based political observer highlights
that the background of this article is complicated.
The intention behind it is worth pondering.
The hereditary phenomenon is very serious. However,
he felt that “a crooked stick throws a crooked shadow”.
Hua Po: “If you disagree with this hereditary, doesn’t
it mean that you disagree with the leader, Xi Jinping?
Besides, this favoritism is the nature of the
CCP system. Which CCP leader was elected?
Were they elected by people’s recommendations,
or perhaps by democratic elections? No they weren’t.
They were all decided at the higher levels, including Xi.
This article appeared to critique the hereditary system,
but in fact, it actually alluded to CCP President Xi Jinping.”
Xi Jinping travelled abroad on May 31.
During his time away, three serious fire incidents occurred
in the northeastern provinces in China, within four days.
At the same time, several articles were published through
CCP media, stating to go against “constitutionalism”.
Before “June 4”, the authorities wantonly arrested
people, including so-called sensitive persons.
Hua Po thought that it was not a
coincidence with this series of events.
These events are counter-measures to
Xi Jinping, conducted by premeditated means.
Hua Po: “There are many CCP fundamentalists
in Party schools, the propaganda departments,
the organization department, the Politics and
Law Committees and related sectors.
Their foundation is enormous, and now the vested
interest groups and leftists have joined together.
The leftists distrust Xi Jinping. The vested
interests groups are dissatisfied with Xi Jinping.
Therefore, these two groups combine together. A
court drama was played out on stage within the CCP.”
Commentator Shi Tao thinks that Xi’s position
is in conflict with the CCP interest groups.
The conflicts have gone into the open now.
Shi Tao: “Around 18:00 on June 3, Xi Jinping’s friend
Chen Ping, the boss of Sun Affairs Weekly,
was attacked by two professionals outside his office.
He was wounded. There is a photo of Xi Jinping and Chen
in this office, and Chen has a relationship with Xi Jinping.
To attack Chen Ping also means attacking Xi Jinping.”
Shi Tao said that the recent bus bombings in Xiamen,
where Xi Jinping ruled for a considerable time within his career,
indicates fighting between the upper echelons
of the CCP has escalated into personal attacks.
He said that Xi Jinping may not be in
complete control over the situation.
