【新唐人2013年05月07日訊】中國社會科學院副研究員張明澍，最近出的新書「中國人想要甚麼樣的民主」引發話題。張明澍表示，調查統計的結果，顯示中國人的民主觀有些出人意外。究竟中國人現在的民主觀和80年代發生了甚麽變化？如何看懂調查數據的意義？來聼專家的解析。
張明澍的新書「中國人想要甚麼樣的民主」，由中國社科院的一個重點科研項目﹕「中國公民政治素質調研」擴展而來。調研根據的是，2011年的調查數據。
張明澍對國內媒體說，調查結果有些讓他自己都感到意外——例如，如果以左、中、右劃分中國人對民主的看法，偏左，也就是對西方化抵制的人比例較大，佔38.1%，中間化立場的佔51.5%，偏右的只有佔8%。
另外，中立派有一大部份接受主流媒體導向。
不過，張明澍也承認，這次調查比1988年進行的類似調查要謹慎。他對自己的要求是最多貼到體制內的邊，不過線。
時事評論員藍述認爲，張明澍的這一顧慮，使得調查問卷的題目，和衡量坐標軸一開始就偏左。按照實際情況，所謂左派的比例應該在30%以下。
原《河北人民廣播電臺》編輯朱欣欣也認為，目前在中國還無法完全脫離中共因素，客觀的做學術調查。
原《河北人民廣播電臺》編輯朱欣欣:「首先這個民意調查，必須得建立在一個客觀的，比較超越黨派利益的基礎上。應該是一個客觀的機構來進行。同時這個調查必須有一定的獨立性。不能受某些黨派或者是事先的，一定的規定性或者是先入爲主的前提。」
藍述指出，關鍵要看懂中國社會的左派、右派，和西方社會正好相反。西方高教育程度的群體往往偏左，突破傳統。而中國正好相反，偏左的人願意在體制內、偏右則是要突破，走出體制之外。
不過藍述認爲，調查結果仍然有一定參考價值。
藍述:「那麽他的調查結果裏面顯示，知識份子，受教育程度比較高的，他比較靠右。另外就是，越年輕的人，他越靠右。這個調查結果有一定的參考作用，它説明甚麽呢？就是知識份子和年輕人，他們希望走出這個體制之外。這個東西實際上它代表了這個社會的方向。」
張明澍說，這次他們將認同「民主好不好，要看適不適合中國國情，不能把美國和中國簡單比較」的人認定為中間派，但沒有做更具體的劃分。並且，他憑經驗想見，中間派裡有一部份人確實是跟著主流媒體走的。
藍述以2008年貴州甕安事件舉例分析，中間派也是中國人在現行體制下表現出的特有心理。
藍述:「你看當時甕安城內，真正去燒縣政府大樓，去燒公安局大樓的人也就是不到100人。但是呢，上十萬人在那裏圍觀，大家拿著照相機在那裏照相覺得解氣。這些就屬於那些中間派。真正能改變現狀的人並不是很多，但絕大多數人，他的這個觀望狀態，已經表明瞭他的態度。」
張明澍說，和1988年的類似調查差異很大的是，1988年受調查對像的西方化程度，比現在明顯高很多。當時剛改革開放，社會對西方的東西是一種擁抱的態度。
朱欣欣指出，這恰恰證明了政府在這25年間的輿論導向，造成中國人的民主素質無法提高。
朱欣欣:「人們的素質只有在運用自己的權力中，在社會的實踐中，才能逐步的提高。你如果不給他創造條件，人們的各方面的能力、素養它不會提高。為甚麽中國現在從人的素養，從整個新聞自由的環境來講，是遠遠落後於世界平均的水平，我們就能看到這一點。」
另外張明澍還表示，調查結果還顯示，中國人對政治的期待體現出儒家文化的倫理主意特點。西方人希望用政治來抑惡，而中國人是希望用政治來揚善。
採訪/朱智善 編輯/尚燕 後製/李若琳
How Do Today’s Chinese View Democracy?
Zhang Mingshu, associate researcher at the Chinese Academy
of Social Sciences (CASS), has released his new book.
It is titled, “What Kind of Democracy do the Chinese Want?”
Zhang said the survey result was beyond his expectations.
In today’s China, how do the general public
understand democracy?
What changes have occurred, compared to
the people’s democratic expectations of the 1980s?
And how do we comprehend the real meaning
behind the survey? Let’s see what experts have to tell us.
Zhang Mingshu’s new book was based on a survey
on Chinese citizens’ political consciousness.
As a key scientific research project of the CASS,
the survey was conducted in 2011.
Zhang Mingshu told China’s media that
the survey result had surprised him.
For instance, on how to look upon democracy,
38.1% of the Chinese hold a view inclining to the left;
51.5% take middle ground, whilst 8% are right-leaning.
The survey shows that a large part of “the centrists”
are influenced by mainstream media reporting.
Zhang Mingshu revealed that the investigation was
more carefully conducted than a similar one done in 1988.
He said in doing the survey, he didn’t touch the
forbidden zone of the Chinese Communist Party authorities.
Critic Lan Shu says that Zhang’s scruples have influenced
the survey to be left-leaning from the beginning.
Lan Shu believes that the percentage of “the leftist”
is under 30%, based on China’s reality.
Zhu Xinxin, former editor of Hebei state radio station,
comments that in today’s China,
scholars still cannot conduct academic researches objectively,
as they’re partially confined within the CCP system.
Zhu Xinxin: “The poll should mirror objective data.
The survey should be done by an independent organization.
It should be free from any partisan influence.”
According to Lan Shu, the meaning of the “left-wing”
and the “right-wing” in China differs from that in the West.
He says that western people in higher education
usually lean to the left, to break up the convention.
It is just the opposite in China. The left-leaning Chinese
are willing to stay inside the CCP ruling system,
whilst the right-leaning people have tried to
break free of it.
Lan Shu affirms that the survey does have some value.
Lan Shu: “Its result shows that intellectuals are
inclined to the right, so do the young people.
This survey result has consultative value.
It indicates that the intellectuals and youngsters
want to get rid of the communist rule.
This actually mirrors the trend of China’s society.”
“the centrists” as those who agree that
“whether democracy is good or not depends on
if it suits China’s reality, rather than making a
simple comparison between the US and China.”
Zhang said he hadn’t subdivide the group further.
And from an empirical judgment, he believed that
some of the centrists are influenced by mainstream media.
Lan Shu cited an example,
the Weng’an mass protest in Guizhou in 2008.
He says that acting as centrists is an unusual tactic
of the Chinese who are living under the CCP rule.
Lan Shu: “At the protest, only less than 100 people
participated in burning buildings of city hall and police bureau.
But over 100,000 people just acted as onlookers.
There they took pictures with cameras,
feeling the burning vented their anger.
Only a minority took action, but the majority
showed their stance by looking-on at the incidents.”
Zhang Mingshu stated that a similar survey was conducted
in 1988, which greatly differed from the recent one.
He explained that in 1988, the interviewees were
much more western civilized orientated.
It was in the initial stages of the Reform & Opening Up,
when the society embraced western culture.
Zhu Xinxin remarks that this proves that in the
past 25 years, by exerting control over the media,
the CCP regime have impeded the Chinese people’s
democratic views and understanding.
Zhu Xinxin: “People’s ideological aspirations can only be
gradually achieved by exercising their rights in practice.
They wouldn’t improve themselves
if lacking such an environment.
That’s why the Chinese people’s democratic comprehension
are far behind the world average level.”
Reportedly, Zhang Mingshu said that in the survey,
the Chinese people’s political expectations mirrored the Confucian ethics.
In Zhang’s words, the westerners expected to
“curb evil” via politics,
whilst the Chinese hope that
the politics can “promote goodness”.
