【新唐人2012年6月16日訊】近來，中共官媒用各種方式宣傳中共黨內民主選舉的成果，為中共十八大營造出民主氣氛。另有中共官員反覆撰文呼籲，在共產黨內實行三權分立。又有消息透露，中共十八大要進行體制改革，目前黨章修改工作正在緊密推進。種種體制改革風聲讓人懸念重重。一向獨裁的中共願意民主嗎？開明派的主張，阻力有多大？利益集團的寡頭們，對民主又存在多大的恐懼？下面一起去了解。
「中央黨校」教授陳雪薇向媒體透露，今年下半年的十八大有望修改黨章。陳雪薇指出，黨章修改有兩個內容值得期待：一是，能否將已經形成慣例的領導人任期寫入黨章；二是，如何擴大黨內民主。
北京憲政學者陳永苗認為，這名黨校教授可能是為權鬥的其中一方發聲，因為按照邏輯，如果真的修改黨章的話，應該在十八大以後。陳永苗說，那時新政府為了維護壟斷權力格局，也許修改黨章。
陳永苗說，當今的中共領導們，彼此之間在利益上有著千絲萬縷的聯繫，誰也不敢輕易驚動對方，他認為，中共內部不會主動進行政治體制改革。
陳永苗：「它現在已經是個寡頭分贓體式，就是每一個人、每個寡頭他有他自己的一塊，就像一個地盤一樣，誰都不會去碰對方的地盤。如果去碰對方的地盤的話，就會引起對方的反抗，他只是去維持、不斷的去維持政權的存在。」
原「山東大學」教授孫文廣表示，從目前中共的現狀來看，並沒有進行政改的跡象，他說，如果真想改的話，現在就可以做個樣子出來，讓習近平、汪洋、溫家寶等人競選總書記，每個人可以說出自己的治國方案。
孫文廣2007年開始，以獨立候選人身份參加濟南市歷城區人大代表選舉，他說，中共的所謂民主選舉，是上面先定好了人選，讓下面走一下形式而已。
孫文廣：「有人出來競選的時候，他就用各種方式把你打壓下去，甚至把你關在屋裡，不讓你去參加投票的會，國寶公安堵在校門，不讓你到學校去演講，寫在牆上海報，公安來撕。」
劉因全說，在中共歷史上，從毛澤東，鄧小平到江澤民，一直都是老大說了算，而文化大革命、6.4、鎮壓法輪功等等人類罪惡，也正是這種黑社會體製造成的。
劉因全：「江澤民雖然沒有毛澤東、鄧小平那個時候的權威，但是江澤民還是用一些花招，用一些陰謀詭計來實現個人專政，比較典型的就是鎮壓法輪功這件事情，當時政治局常委的多數人是不同意的，但是江澤民在上面又是拍桌子又是發火，最後硬是逼著大家不得不同意他的意見。」
劉因全表示，黨內民主是中共黨內的開明派多年的願望，但是光靠開明派，力量還不夠。
他認為，除黨內民主化，讓黨內的開明力量成長起來之外，徹底的解決還得從兩方面入手。第一，必須徹底的修改黨章，改變黨的性質；第二，改變共產黨的名字，這樣才能和共產黨歷史上的罪惡切割開來，才能脫胎換骨獲得新生。
Possible revision of Party Constitution during Congress, a necessary path said analysis
Recently, Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) official media
are making propaganda for party’s democratic election,
creating a democratic atmosphere for the coming 18th Party
Congress. Some CCP officials wrote articles,
appealing for the separation of powers within CCP.
According to other information sources,
the 18th Party Congress will carry out reforms and
the Party Constitution is undergoing revision.
All this information about reforms keep the public in suspense.
Will the autocratic CCP adopt democracy?
How much opposition does the liberal faction face?
How much fear do the oligarchs have for democracy? Here is more information.
Chen Xuewei, Central Party School professor, told media
about the possible revision of the Party Constitution in the
18th party congress.
According to Chen Xuewei, there might be two major changes,
the presidents’ term limit issue and the expansion of democracy within the party.
Chen Yongmiao, Beijing constitutional scholar, said that very
likely this professor was speaking for one faction within the party.
To maintain the monopoly of power, a new government
usually revises the Party Constitution after the congress,
instead of during the congress, said Chen Yongmiao.
Chen Yongmiao said that CCP’s top-level officials have
countless interest connections with each other, and thus hold each other up.
He believes that CCP will not promote
political reform actively from within the party.
Chen Yongmiao said: “CCP is currently under a monopolistic
spoils mode.
Every oligarch has his own interest and territory,
which others dare not touch.
If one person infringed another’s interest, conflict will happen.
Therefore, the only thing they can do is to maintain the power.”
Sun Wenguang, former professor at Shandong University,
said that CCP’s current situation hasn’t shown any sign of political reforms.
If they really want to reform, actions can be taken
right now, said Sun.
For example, let Xi Jinping, Wang Yang, and Wen Jiabao
all run for the presidency and speak out their own policies.
Since 2007, Sun Wenguang has been participated in elections
for deputies of National People’s Congress in Licheng District, Ji’nan City as an independent candidate.
The higher level makes the choice and let inferior officials
go through the motions, and that is the so-called democratic election, said Sun.
Sun Wenguang said: “They suppress independent candidates
using all means.
They lock you at home so that you cannot attend
the voting assembly;
state security and public safety block the school gate
so that you cannot give speeches; and the police tear away posters on walls.”
Liu Yinquan, Chair, Social Democratic Party of China, said that in CCP’s history, the leaders such as
Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Jiang Zemin always have the final say.
Crimes like the Cultural Revolution, June 4 Incident and
the persecution of Falun Gong are all results of this gang regime.
Liu Yinquan said: “Though without the absolute power like
Mao Zedong or Deng Xiaoping,
Jiang Zenmin realized his autocracy more by means and plots,
especially on the persecution of Falun Gong.
The majority of the Standing Committee of the
Political Bureau did not agree with him at that time,
but Jiang pounded tables and shouted, finally
forced others to agree with him.”
Liu Yinquan said that democracy is the long hope of party’s
liberal faction, but they don’t have enough power.
Liu Yinquan said: “On one hand, the liberal faction within
CCP should expand their team and power;
on the other, they should unit folk democratic force,
without which the liberal power cannot grow.
Belief groups like Falun Gong, and other dissidents,
liberal intellectuals should exert more pressure on CCP.”
But, Liu Yinquan said that the political reform should not be
confined to democracy within the party, the final solution lies in two other aspects.
Firstly, the Party Constitution should be revised completely
to change the party’s nature;
secondly, the party’s name should no longer be CCP,
in order to cut the connection with CCP’s evil history.
