【新唐人2012年3月20日訊】曾無限風光的重慶市委書記薄熙來遭到解職，很多人理解為左派從此失勢，在中共高層權力之爭中，自由派佔得了上風。不過，政治家指出，強硬派代表──薄熙來下臺，不等於對老百姓的鎮壓會軟化。
3月15號，中共組織部長李源潮正式宣佈，撤銷薄熙來在重慶所擔任的一系列職務。中共喉舌《新華社》也沒有披露任何有關撤銷薄熙來職務的理由，只是說「這次調整，是中央從當前形勢和大局出發，經過慎重考慮決定的。」
《英國廣播網》BBC表示，「王立軍事件」現在已經明確的演化為「薄熙來事件」﹔《德國之聲》則指出，重慶市委書記薄熙來遭解職，中共高層權力之爭中，自由派似乎佔得了上風。
海外民運人士魏京生：「他這件事牽連到中央的更大的頭頭，包括牽連到底下一大片的共產黨的幹部，所以牽扯到共產黨的一場很嚴重的內鬥。不僅僅是一個薄熙來、一個幹部、一個市委書記、一個政治委員下臺的問題，而牽扯到共產黨內部的一種傾向，就是要恢復更專制的制度。」
也有學者說，對近來中共左右路線之爭，現在有了初步結果，解除薄熙來職務是意在「打左」，為改革做鋪墊。
不過，魏京生不認為中共內部有嚴格意義上的左派、右派、胡派、江派。他認為，現在可以把中共劃分為「用鎮壓的手段對付老百姓的強硬派」和「想對老性讓步的妥協派」，比較合適，但兩者在中共內部鬥的很厲害。「強硬派」是以薄熙來為代表。
魏京生：「毛派、極端鎮壓的這一批也不能說他們完全處於下風，因為人大剛剛通過把非法拘禁合法化的那個刑法修正案，從這一點來看，中共加強鎮壓的趨勢還沒有改變，只是薄熙來作為這一派的典型人物倒臺了而已。」
魏京生指出，兩會期間通過的刑法修正案將「失蹤合法化」，讓大陸倒退到連文革還不如，所以不能理解為「鎮壓派」失勢了。他說，最近胡錦濤和溫家寶都表現出了強硬，強調對軍隊的絕對指揮權，強調軍隊黨衛軍化，就說明瞭問題。不過，不管共產黨的哪一派都看到了一個重要的問題：中共再不進行政治改革的話，老百姓就要造反了。
香港《明報》寫道，王立軍闖入美領館，「重慶模式」已壽終正寢，薄熙來下臺，被黨內高層曾寄予厚望的「重慶模式」正式落幕。
「美國守護者同盟」主席卞和祥指出，「重慶模式」也不是薄熙來個人的心血來潮，是得到中共絕大多數常委贊同的，是為中共尋找解圍困境的方法，過程中則用「唱紅打黑」這樣的詞來掩護。
卞和祥：「重慶模式已經告誡全國人民，一旦經濟政治危機來的時候，共產黨就是要用重慶模式來鎮壓。重慶模式是一種高度的、比文革還要殘酷的一種鎮壓民眾的方式，它打擊異議份子，殺害法輪功，對富人的打擊其實比文革還兇。」
《德國之聲》則表示，隨著薄熙來下臺，十八大前的權力鬥爭終於浮上檯面，薄熙來導演的「一齣政治驚悚劇暫時落幕。」
但魏京生指出，中共高層不喜歡薄熙來的哪些人，會利用這件事打擊他的後臺和支持他的力量，包括在中央和在社會上支持他的，都可能會受到一定的打擊。
採訪常春/ 編輯宋風/ 後製李若琳/
Bo’s Removal: Have Hard-liners Lost?
The once high-profile Chongqing Party Secretary Bo Xilai
was dismissed from his position.
Many people see this as loss of the left-wing and gain
of the liberals in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
However, experts point out that Bo Xilai’s step down
does not mean CCP will soften its suppression on people.
On March 15, CCP’s representative Li Yuanchao announced
the removal of Bo Xilai from his positions in Chongqing.
CCP mouthpiece Xinhua News Agency did not disclose
any reason related to the revocation of Bo Xilai’s duties.
It just said,, “This adjustment was done after careful
consideration based on the overall situation."
BBC stated that “Wang Lijun Event” has now
clearly evolved into “Bo Xilai Incident."
Deutsche Welle pointed out, Bo’s dismissal shows liberals
maybe got the upper hand in CCP’ high-level power struggle.
Wei Jingsheng (Democracy activist outside China): “This is
linked to CCP’ higher officials and a wider net of carders.
It is a very serious internal struggle. It is not just a step down
for Bo Xilai as a cadre, party secretary, political commissar.
It also represents a tendency within the CCP,
which is to restore a more autocratic system.”
Some scholars said the disputes between the leftists
and rightists now have some preliminary results.
Getting rid of Bo Xilai is intended to “fight the leftists”
and lay the groundwork for reform.
However, Wei Jingsheng doesn’t think there are leftists,
rightists, Hu’s or Jiang’s faction within CCP in a strict sense.
He thinks now CCP is divided into “hard-liners who suppress
people” and “compromisers who want to give in to people.”
They are fiercely fighting within the CCP.
Bo Xilai is the representative of the “hard-liners.”
Wei Jingsheng: “We cannot say Maoists and their group,
favoring extreme repression are completely at a disadvantage.
Because the National People’s Congress just passed
the amendment to legalize illegal detention.
This shows CCP’s repressive trend has not changed.
Only its representative Bo Xilai was removed.”
Wei Jinsheng pointed out that the Two Sessions have passed
the Criminal Law Amendment of “legalized missing.”
This shows China went back to the Cultural Revolution age.
So we cannot interpret hard-liners as losing power, Wei said.
Recently Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao demonstrated toughness,
stressing CCP’ absolute command over the army, points Wei.
However, each CCP faction realizes an important issue:
people will rebel if CCP doesn’t carry out a political reform.
Hong Kong’s Ming Pao states that Wang Lijun’s run
to the U.S. Consulate signals Bo’s stepping down.
And Chongqing’s Model, which raised high expectations
within the CCP high levels, had formally ended.
Bian Hexiang (Chairman, Protecting U.S. Alliance):
“Chongqing Model was not established by Bo Xilai himself.
It was approved by most CCP central committee members,
to find a way out for the CCP.
Thus it was concealed as ‘singing revolutionary songs’
and ‘fighting the mafia.’”
Bian Hexiang: “Chongqing Model was to warn people, CCP
will use this to suppress them in political or economic crisis.
Chongqing Model was even more brutal
than the Cultural Revolution.
Its repression of dissidents, killing Falun Gong practitioners,
attacks on the rich are fiercer than the Cultural Revolution.”
Deutsche Welle expressed, with Bo Xilai’s stepping down,
CCP’s internal power struggle before its 18th Congress has finally come up to the surface.
A thriller directed by Bo Xilai has temporarily ended.
However, Wei Jingsheng pointed out those within the CCP
who do not like Bo Xilai will use this opportunity.
They will most likely attack Bo’s supporters
in the central and local governments.
