【禁聞】大陸七十名學者發改革倡議書

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【新唐人2012年12月28日訊】中國大陸70多位著名的學者和律師,最近敦促中共新領袖人實施溫和的政治改革,包括黨政分開,但卻避免提及終結共產黨一黨專政。參與簽名的學者表示,他們代表的是漸進改良派觀點。但有學者指出,共產黨無法達到民主自由等基本要求的原因是「共產黨想要永遠執政」。

這份改革共識倡議書由「北京大學法學院」教授張千帆起草,發表在他的博客上。倡議書呼籲共產黨根據憲法治國、保護言論自由、鼓勵民營企業、允許司法獨立,也要求人民能不受共黨干預,選舉各級人民代表。

張千帆說,大陸亟需變革,才能更妥善處理面對的各種問題,包括社會不公平、政府權力濫用和貪污腐化。他說:「如果不改變,中國就有革命或混亂的風險。」

這份倡議書比較溫和,要求共黨領導層依照現行法律統治。

張千帆對美聯社表示:這實際上很溫和。希望政府能接受,開啟政府與人民的對話、及公眾間的對話。

而簽署人之一,「深圳當代社會觀察研究所」的創辦人兼所長劉開明表示,很難知道中共新領導人是否能採納這些建議。但是這些主張起碼跟共產黨聲明的方向是一致的,比如說建立一個憲政國家和法治國家,努力實現民族的復興。他說,這封信應該是基於現有體制所提出的一些建議。

但是,仍有很多知識份子都意識到,不放棄共產黨一黨專政,中國社會癥結不可能根本消除。但是這封信並未觸及這一議題。

深圳當代社會觀察研究所所長劉開明:「因為從我們來說,首先我們都是生活在大陸的人。我們也都知道,在目前的現在體制裡面,要輕易的呼籲結束一黨專政,那麼顯然是短期內是不現實的。我們期待在現有的體制裡面,能夠達到他所承諾的這些民主自由人權。但是我們也強調,真正的應該是實現孫中山在一百年前倡導的民主自由人權憲政。」

「南方報業」高級編輯鄢烈山:「我們是主張漸進改良的改革的。各有各的表達。他當然有他的觀點,他可以不簽署。我們只能代表我們自己。」

時政評論專家文昭在論述「中國政治體制改革的路線圖」時曾經提出,有許多中國人對急風驟雨式的社會變革充滿了恐懼,希望走一條漸進式的變革之路。他認為,這就需要共產黨從司法、宣傳等領域全面撤出,向民眾「讓權」,否則完全不可能觸及當前矛盾的實質。所以所謂「漸進式政治改革」,估計最終又會落到讓民眾耐心等待「從量變到質變」的說辭中去。

而倡議書也提出了保障言論自由,司法獨立等要求。但是有學者指出,共產黨不可能做到這些基本要求的原因是,共產黨想要永遠執政。放開權力就等於讓共產黨失去權力。共產黨不可能答應,正所謂與虎謀皮。

劉開明:「我很難回答這個問題。但是共產黨聲稱沒有自己一黨的利益,聲稱他的執政是為了人民,立黨為公,執政為民,應該說當人民有這個要求的時候,共產黨應該順應人民的要求,因為他聲稱沒有自己的利益。」

資深媒體人李大同對《美國之音》表示,說到底,中國的政治體制改革就是要「分權」。就是共產黨囊括社會所有權力的現象再也不能繼續延續下去,必須分權,向社會分權,要向議會分權,要向法律分權。

李大同提到,共產黨向法律分權就是還司法的獨立性,徹底扭轉目前「法院要接受黨的絕對領導」這樣的封建專制意識。李大同認為,現在中國政改的阻力在於中共高層的第一考慮是「共產黨能否永遠執政」,但現實是「沒有永遠的執政黨」。

採訪編輯/秦雪 後製/肖顏

Political Reform Proposed by Tens of Chinese Scholars

Recently, more than 70 mainland well-known scholars and

lawyers urged the new CCP’ (Chinese Communist Party) leader to pursue a moderate political reform.

This included the separation of CCP from the government.

Nevertheless, the proposal avoids referring

to the ending of the one-party dictatorship.

Scholars who signed the proposal said,

they represent the progressive reformists.

However, some scholars point out, the reason for CCP’s

inability to meet the basic requirements for democracy and freedom is the fact that ‘CCP wants to govern forever.’

This reform proposal is drafted by Professor Zhang Qianfan

from Peking University’ Law School and was published on his microblog.

The proposal called on the CCP to govern the state according

to the Constitution, to protect the freedom of speech,

to encourage the private enterprises,

to allow judiciary independence,

and for the CCP to not interfere with people during elections

of their representatives at all levels.

Zhang Qianfan said, the mainland is of urgent need

to change in order to better deal with the variety of problems.

These include, the social injustice,

abuse of government power, and corruption.

He said, ‘Without a change, there would be a risk

of revolution or disorder in China.’

This proposal is relatively moderate in its request to CCP’

leadership to govern according to the existing laws.

Zhang Qianfan told the Associated Press:

“This is actually very moderate.

I hope the government can accept it and open up

a public dialogue between the government and the people.”

One of the signatories is Liu Kaiming, founder and director

of Shenzhen Contemporary Society Institute.

Liu said that it is hard to know whether the new CCP’

leadership will consider these suggestions.

But these proposals are at least in the same direction

as the CCP claimed to go.

For example, to establish a constitutional state and country

ruled by the law, to put efforts towards national rejuvenation.

He said, the recommendations in this letter

are based on the existing system.

However, still many intellectuals realize that if the one-party

dictatorship is not ended, China’s problems can’t be solved.

However, in this current proposal

this issue is not mentioned.

Liu Kaiming: ‘From our perspective, since we live in

mainland China, we all know that under the current system, to call for the one-party dictatorship’ end is unrealistic now.

We expect under the current system CCP can work within

their promises for democracy, freedom and human rights.

But we also emphasize it should work toward constitutional

democracy, freedom and human rights, advocated by Sun Zhongshan one hundred years ago.’

Yan Lieshan (senior editor, Southern Newspaper): ‘We

advocate a progressive reform. Both have their expressions.

He of course has his opinions, he can refuse to sign.

We can only represent ourselves.’

Commentator Wen Zhao discussed about,

‘China’s roadmap of a political system reform.’

Wen mentioned that many Chinese are afraid of a sudden

social changes, and hope for a gradual change.

He believes that if CCP does not withdraw from the judicial,

propaganda and other fields, and ‘give the rights’ to people, it simply can’t reach to the roots of the conflicts.

Thus the so-called ‘progressive political reform’ will maybe

end up as an empty talk, leaving the people to patiently wait for changes ‘from quantitative to qualitative’ eventually.

The proposal also mentioned about protecting the freedom

of speech, independence of the judiciary, etc.

Yet, some scholars point out, the reason CCP cannot reach

these basic requirements is that CCP wants to govern forever.

Letting go of the power means to let the CCP lose power.

The CCP will not agree on that.

Liu Kaiming: ‘It is difficult for me to answer this question.

CCP claims that there is no one-party interests, and its ruling is for the people.

Establishing of the party is to serve the public,

governing is to serve the people.

So the CCP should follow people’s request when people

have such a request, since CCP claims it has no interests.’

Li Datong, senior media professional, said to VOA, that

in the end, China’s political reform means ‘decentralization.’

It means the CCP can no longer hold all the power; it has to

decentralize the power to the society, the parliament and the law system.

Li Datong mentioned, the decentralization of the power

to the law system is to return to judiciary independence,

to completely reverse the feudal autocratic mindset of

‘the court has to accept the party’s absolute leadership.’

Li believes that the CCP’ resistance to political reform

is its leadership’ first concern of ‘CCP can govern forever.’

However, Li pointed out that:

‘there is no such a party that can rule forever.’

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