【新唐人2009年11月13日訊】30多名來自美國、加拿大、歐洲和澳洲等地區的學者專家，星期一聯合致函臺灣總統馬英九，表達對臺灣司法公正、新聞自由、民主制衡及國家未來走向的關注。

信上援引國際人權組織，如自由之家和記者無國界的年度報告表示，臺灣排名的退步，反映了出臺灣民主和新聞自由已受到損害的事實。

聯名信呼籲馬英九總統和中國發展關係的過程必須公開、謹慎，任何與中國的協議都必需得到臺灣人民的共識，此外，在促進和中國更密切的經濟關係的同時，不要犧牲臺灣的民主和人權。

信函的連署人包括前美國在台協會主席白樂崎、邁阿密大學教授金德芳、美國福爾摩沙基金會執行長賈泰麗、前美國傳統基金會資深研究員譚慎格、英國倫敦政經學院教授休斯、前加拿大國會議員大衛•喬高，以及澳洲蒙納許大學教授家柏等。

公開信中英文原文：

馬總統鈞鑒:

在過去一年來，來自美國、加拿大、亞洲、歐洲、澳洲等的一群包括我們在內的國際學者，幾度公開向貴政府表達我們對臺灣目前的一些發展和走向的顧慮及關心。

2008年十一月六日及十二月二日，在致貴法務部長王清峰的信件中，我們特別指出有關臺灣司法倒退、制度上的瑕疵、以及行之于在野黨成員的司法追究之濫權。

今年一月二十一日和五月二十一日，我們特撰兩封公開信給您馬總統，明確表達我們對司法公正、新聞自由及民主制衡的關切。新聞局長蘇俊賓給我們的回復沒有針對問題核心；我們也未見到貴政府拿出具體行動解決問題，令人深感遺憾。此後的一些後續發展 ─ 包括正面和負面的 ─ 再次激勵我們向您表達我們的意見。

我們必須重申：我們之所以提出這些意見，是因為我們強力支援臺灣的民主，並深深關切、在意並希望看到這個民主自由的國家得以持續茁長。我們也強調，我們不偏袒島內任何一方的政治爭議，而是完全著眼於臺灣的國際形象及信譽。

有賴於臺灣人民的努力和堅持，臺灣在20年前開始轉型成為一個民主社會。這項成就值得肯定，我們也堅信「民主」是臺灣在建立並強化其國際關係上，以及阻止外權干涉，最大的王牌。

我們相信您和我們有共識 — 臺灣的民主幼苗能夠成長茁壯，只有靠自由民主正義及人權的基本原則來培育，建立權責分明，公開透明的的政治制度。此認知亦符合您今年簽署，經立法院核准的的兩項聯合國人權條款的內容和精神，希望能更進一步依照國際法律協會的建議制定為法律，在臺灣實行。

在過去二十年，臺灣在這些方面有相當的進步；也因為如此我們才會對臺灣今日的司法倒退、政治制衡力退化及民主、新聞自由受損而深感失望。在國際人權組織，如自由之家及無國界記者等，所發表的年度報告中，臺灣的排名退步，恰恰反映了上述種種的負面發展。同樣的，這些負面發展也受到其他國際學者及友台人士的關注，尤其是有關針對前陳總統司法案件的處理，包括審理過程中的瑕疵、辦案人員明顯缺乏中立，無數的偵察延期、以及對前朝政府官員彈劾的手段。

為此我們再次訴請您確保司法公正、公平、公義。今天當您的政府正把臺灣帶向與中國更密切的經濟合作路上，建立在自由民主正義及人權基本原則上的權責分明、公開透明的的政治制度更形重要。我們肯定降低台海的緊張關係，但要也強調臺灣得來不易的民主及人權不容因此而被犧牲。

與對岸強鄰關係改善的過程必須是公開的、審慎的、並遵循民主的過程，與立法院及在野黨有完全溝通，對人民完全公開。我們欣聞貴政府官員公開表示：與中國的任何協議都必須得到國內的共識，以及為國際社會所接受。我們深信與中國對話的過程應會是公開的，諮詢性的，並尊重臺灣近二十年發展的民主傳統為前提而進行。

我們在此強調，一個國家的成長及繁榮，其經濟及政治關係必須保持國際多元化。但是與單一的鄰國過度親密，將迫使該國面臨此單一鄰國的不安穩所帶來的風險，尤其當此鄰國是一個藐視臺灣民主成就的極權國家，此威脅更形嚴重。

馬總統，我們以國際學者的身份觀察臺灣多年，支援並肯定臺灣的民主成就，深信臺灣有資格更加被國際社會接納為平等的一員。要達到此目標，唯一的方式是臺灣本身確保其民主成果，其主權、人權及基本自由有保障，社會民主更加鞏固，臺灣才有能力面對未來的挑戰。

順頌 鈞安

2009年十一月六日

署名人（依英文姓氏排列）:

Nat Bellocchi白樂崎〔前美國在台協會主席〕

Coen Blaauw昆布勞〔美國臺灣人公共事務會 〕

Gordon G. Chang〔「即將崩潰的中國」作者〕

Peter Chow周钜原〔美國紐約市立學院經濟學教授〕

Stephane Corcuff〔法國里昂大學「中國和臺灣研究」政治學副教授〕

Michael Danielsen〔丹麥哥本哈根「臺灣一角」主席 〕

June Teufel Dreyer金德芳〔美國邁阿密大學政治學教授〕

Edward Friedman 〔美國威斯康辛大學政治學和東亞研究教授〕

Michael Rand Hoare〔英國倫敦大學退休副教授〕

Christopher R. Hughes 〔英國倫敦政經學院教授 〕

Thomas G. Hughes 〔美國前參議員斐爾國會辦公室主任〕

Terri Giles賈泰麗〔美國福爾摩莎基金會執行長〕

Bruce Jacobs家柏 〔澳洲蒙納許大學亞洲語言和研究教授〕

Richard C. Kagan柯耕義〔美國翰林大學教授歷史系榮譽教授〕

Jerome F. Keating祈潤夫〔國立臺北大學副教授（已退休）〕

David Kilgour〔加拿大前國會議員、亞太國務卿〕

Andr□Lalibert□ㄔ[拿大渥太華大學政治學副教授〕

Perry Link 林培瑞 (美國普林斯頓大學東亞研究所退休教授〕

Daniel Lynch 〔美國南加州大學副教授〕

Liu Shih-Chung劉世忠〔美國布魯金斯研究院客座研究員〕

Victor H. Mair〔美國賓夕法尼亞大學中國語言和文學系教授〕

Donald Rodgers〔美國德州奧斯丁大學政治學副教授〕

Christian Schafferer〔僑光科技大學國際貿易系副教授，奧地利東亞研究協會主任，「當代東亞」主編〕

Scott Simon 〔加拿大渥太華大學副教授〕

Michael Stainton〔加拿大多倫多York Center for Asia Research〕

Peter Tague〔美國喬治城大學法律系教授〕

John Tkacik譚慎格〔前美國傳統基金會資深研究員及前美國務院臺灣事務協調處官員〕

Arthur Waldron林蔚〔美國賓夕法尼亞大學國際關係學教授〕

Vincent Wei-cheng Wang王維正〔美國裡奇蒙大學政治學教授〕

Gerrit van der Wees韋傑理〔臺灣公報編輯〕

Stephen Yates葉望輝 〔 DC Asia諮詢顧問團主席，前美國副總統國家安全政策顧問〕

以下是英文原稿

President Ma Ying-jeou

Office of the President

Taipei, Taiwan November 9th 2009

Dear President Ma,

During the past year a number of us, scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Asia, Europe and Australia, have publicly expressed to your government our concerns about a number of trends in Taiwan, as well as several specific developments. On November 6th and again on December 2nd 2008 in letters to Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng, we focused on the issues of erosion of justice, significant flaws in the judicial system, and judicial abuses against members of the democratic opposition.

On January 21st and again on May 21st 2009, we addressed two Open Letters to you, Mr. President, expressing concern about the fairness of the judicial system, as well as erosion of press freedom and democratic checks and balances. We regret to say that the responses received from GIO Minister Su Jun-pin did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.

Since then, a number of developments have taken place – some positive and some negative – which prompt us to write to you again to express our views on these issues. We wish to reiterate that we raise these points as strong international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation. We also emphasize that we do not take sides in internal political debates, but do have Taiwan’s international image and credibility as an international partner in mind.

Due to the hard work and perseverance of the Taiwanese people, Taiwan was able to make the transition to democracy two decades ago. We applaud this achievement and strongly believe that this basic fact, democracy, is the strongest card Taiwan can play in building and strengthening its relations with other countries around the world and the strongest protection against outside interference in Taiwan’s internal affairs.

We are sure that you would agree with us that Taiwan’s young democracy can only grow and prosper if it is nurtured through good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights. This would also adhere to both the letter and spirit of the two UN human rights covenants signed by you and ratified by the Legislative Yuan, and be enhanced by the implementation of these covenants into national law in accordance with the advice of the International Commission of Jurists.

During the past two decades, Taiwan has made major progress in each of these areas. It thus has been a disappointment for us to see an erosion of justice, a weakening of checks and balances in the democratic system, and a decline in press freedom in Taiwan. These trends are reflected in the significantly downward ratings Taiwan received in the annual reports of international organizations such as Freedom House and Reporters without Borders.

They are also reflected in the expressions of concern by international scholars and friends of Taiwan related to the flaws in the judicial proceedings against former President Chen Shui-bian and the apparent lack of neutrality in the continuing “investigations” and indictments of other prominent members of the DPP government. We thus appeal to you again to ensure that measures are taken to ensure the impartiality and fairness of the judiciary.

Good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights are all the more essential now that your government is moving Taiwan on a path of closer economic ties with China. We believe that a decrease of tension across the Taiwan Strait would indeed be welcome, but emphasize that this should not be done at the expense of the hard-won democracy and the establishment of human rights in Taiwan itself.

Thus, the process of improving relations with the large neighbor across the Strait needs to be an open, deliberative and democratic process, in full consultation with both the Legislative Yuan and the democratic opposition, and fully transparent to the general public. We are thus pleased to hear that officials of your government have stated that any agreement with China would need to have both a domestic consensus, including approval by the Legislative Yuan, and acceptance by the international community. We trust this process will be open and consultative in ways that respect the democratic traditions begun so promisingly two decades ago.

Indeed, we emphasize that a country can only grow and prosper if it has diversified ties – economically and politically – to other countries. Too close an embrace with one neighbor will expose that country to the risks of volatility in the neighboring country, in particular if that neighbor remains authoritarian and openly disrespectful of Taiwan’s democratic achievements.

Mr. President, we wish to emphasize again that, as international scholars and writers who have followed, supported and applauded Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy, we feel strongly that Taiwan should be more fully accepted by the international community as a full and equal partner. This can only be achieved if Taiwan ensures that its achievements of democracy are safeguarded, that its sovereignty, human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected and that the democratic fabric of society is strengthened so the country is ready to meet the challenges ahead.

Respectfully yours,

1.Ambassador Nat Bellocchi, former Chairman of the American Institute in Taiwan

2.Coen Blaauw, Formosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington DC

3.Gordon G. Chang, author, “The Coming Collapse of China"

4.Peter Chow, Professor of Economics, City College of New York

5.Stéphane Corcuff, Associate Professor of Political Science, China and Taiwan Studies, University of Lyon, France

6.Michael Danielsen, Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen, Denmark

7.June Teufel Dreyer, Professor of Political Science, University of Miami, Florida

8.Edward Friedman, Professor of Political Science and East Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison

9.Terri Giles, Executive Director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles

10.Michael Rand Hoare, Emeritus Reader at the University of London, Great Britain

11.Christopher R. Hughes, Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science, Great Britain

12.Thomas G. Hughes, Former chief of staff to the late Senator Claiborne Pell (D-RI), Washington DC

13.Bruce Jacobs, Professor of Asian Languages and Studies, Monash University, Melbourne, Australia

14.Richard C. Kagan, Professor Emeritus of History, Hamline University, St. Paul Minnesota. Author, “Taiwan’s Statesman, Lee Teng- hui and Democracy in Asia”

15.Jerome F. Keating, Associate Professor, National Taipei University (Ret.). Author, “Island in the Stream, a quick case study of Taiwan’s complex history" and other works on Taiwan’s history

16.Hon. David Kilgour, former Member of Parliament and Secretary of State for Asia-Pacific (2002-2003), Canada

17.André Laliberté, Associate Professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa, Canada

18.Perry Link, Professor emeritus of East Asian Studies, Princeton University

19.Liu Shih-chung, Visiting Fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington DC

20.Daniel Lynch, Associate Professor, School of International Relations, University of Southern California, Los Angeles

21.Victor H. Mair, Professor of Chinese Language and Literature, University of Pennsylvania

22.Donald Rodgers, Associate Professor of Political Science, Austin College, Texas

23.Christian Schafferer, Associate Professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology, Chair Austrian Association of East Asian Studies, Editor Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia, Vienna, Austria

24.Scott Simon, Associate professor, University of Ottawa, Canada

25.Michael Stainton, York Center for Asia Research, Toronto, Canada

26.Peter Tague, Professor of Law, Georgetown University, Washington DC

27.John J. Tkacik Jr., former Senior Research Fellow, The Heritage Foundation, Washington

28.Arthur Waldron, Lauder Professor of International Relations, University of Pennsylvania

29.Vincent Wei-cheng Wang, Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond, Virginia

30.Gerrit van der Wees, Editor Taiwan Communiqué, Washington DC

31.Stephen Yates, President of DC Asia Advisory and former Deputy Assistant to the Vice President for National Security Affairs