【禁聞】全軍學習胡思想 再示胡習聯盟?

【新唐人2013年11月23日訊】中共總書記習近平和中央軍委審定批准的《胡錦濤國防和軍隊建設思想學習綱要》最近將出版,並印發中共軍隊。中共軍委發出通知要求:全軍組織學習這份學習綱要。評論認為,這是習近平有意拉攏前中共總書記胡錦濤,胡、習再次聯手在軍隊裡收拾江派勢力。

中共軍委發出的通知要求各級要把《胡錦濤國防和軍隊建設思想學習綱要》納入黨委中心組學習、以及幹部理論輪訓、部隊思想政治教育,和院校政治理論課教學,並統籌官兵認真學習。

「科學發展觀」是胡錦濤在2003年提出的理論,在中共十七大被寫入黨章。這次「科學發展觀」被第五代中共高層重拾,並提到新的高度,評論認為,這顯示胡、習聯手,共同打擊江派的殘存勢力。

美國中文雜誌《中國事務》總編輯伍凡:「現在習近平掌了大位,但是並不等於掌握了這些所有的人事,或者是黨心、軍心,胡錦濤在位已經10年了,他有時間去制定一個所謂的他的科學發展觀的軍事思想,那麼習近平他要打擊江澤民,他一定要拉幫手,他的最大幫手就是胡錦濤這一派。」

江澤民當政時期,為了掌握軍權,以大量擢升軍方將領,來獲得高級將領對他的支持。江時代拍馬屁成了軍隊裡的晉陞捷徑,1997年江澤民一手冊封了各級將軍530名。

此外,江澤民還縱容各軍隊的貪污走私行為,在軍隊中大搞黃色產業,總參、總後、總政色情氾濫,江澤民則以此在軍中收買人心。

時事評論員藍述:「江澤民在位的時候,他在軍內大批的提拔幹部、提拔將軍,所以在軍隊裏面,到今天為止仍然跟著江澤民的, 現在第四代、第五代互相聯合起來向江澤民的勢力去奪權,這樣把握性就大一些。」

不過,也有人指出,胡錦濤利用「陞官」和「發財」保住對軍隊的控制權。04年胡接任中央軍委主席後,除了繼續晉升軍官,還先後3次替軍隊全面加薪,僅06年軍隊就加了一倍薪水。胡錦濤用錢來換取軍隊的效忠。

美國中文雜誌《中國事務》總編輯伍凡分析,習近平把胡錦濤的軍事思想拿出來,只是一個策略。

伍凡:「中國的黨政軍裏面,軍隊的貪污腐敗甚至超過地方的黨政,甚至都管不了了,政府部門管不了他,現在習近平出來,你要收拾這批人,要改變這批人,那你一定要把胡錦濤拉住,這是一個很重要的策略,否則的話下面的棋很難走。」

中共三中全會之後,習近平除了密集調整地方大員外,還在軍隊成立了中共軍隊和武警巡視機構,把中共總裝備部與總後勤部也合併了,組建了新的總後勤裝備部。

總裝備部原是江澤民親自下令建立,在中共十八大之前,歷任部長都是江派人馬,武警則一直是江澤民的政法委控制的維穩工具。

因此,日前,習近平對武警高層也進行了高密度的調整。貴州省軍區司令李亞洲,與四川省軍區司令王盛槐,平調置換﹔成都軍區某集團軍政治部主任劉家國,晉陞四川省軍區政委。浙江省軍區副政委馬家利,晉陞江西省軍區政委。

同時,黑龍江、甘肅、浙江的武警總隊也同時換帥。黑龍江武警總隊參謀長楊立新任武警總隊司令員﹔浙江武警交通指揮部副司令員白海濱任武警總隊司令員﹔甘肅省武警二師師長尤寒波任武警總隊司令員,三省原司令都「被退休」。

伍凡:「現在頭頭腦腦第一線上的甚麼總參謀長、總政治部主任或者總保障部部長,這些人已經換了,可是下面的人,第二層次,第三層次,或者一直到各個省、各個自治區,還不一定完全跟他走。因為各個方面的,各個軍區的都有他們當地的地方利益。」

時事評論員藍述分析,習近平早已看到了這一點,所以對地方大員和軍隊同時大調整,目地就是為了打破原有的利益格局和關係網,防止他們抱團抗衡中央。但是習近平這樣調整,難免導致官場人人自危,而帶來其他新的問題。

採訪編輯/李韻 後製/孫寧

Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping Form Alliance to Control PLA

The Communist regime leader Xi Jinping and the Central
Military Commission (CMC) recently issued Hu Jintao’s
Defense and Army Study Guidelines.

The CMC requires organized study throughout
the entire army.
It is believed to be a forming of an alliance with former
leader Hu against Jiang Zemin’s remaining forces.

The CMC recently ordered a coordinated, mandatory study
of Hu’s Defense and Army Study Guidelines for the party
committee, training cadres, military ideological and political
education, as well as political classes at research institutions.

In 2003, Hu Jintao proposed his Scientific Outlook
on Development.
The 17th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) recognized it as one of the guiding principles of the CCP.
This concept is now being brought to a new height
by the 5th generation of CCP leadership.
It shows Xi Jinping and Hu are teaming up against
Jiang’s remaining faction, commentators believe.

Chris Wu, editor-in-chief, China affairs magazine:
“Xi Jinping’s leadership in the CCP does not mean
he controls all personnel in the party or the military.

Hu Jintao had 10 years as the CCP leader to develop
his scientific concept for the military.
To remove Jiang Zemin’s influence, Xi Jinping needs
help from major players such as Hu Jintao."

During Jiang Zemin’s post, he gained military support
through promotion of senior generals.
Pleasing Jiang Zemin was a shortcut to promotion.
In 1997, Jiang promoted 530 senior generals.

In addition, Jiang won support from the army by allowing
corruption, smuggling and prostitution.
The people’s liberation army (PLA) general staff, general
logistics and general politics departments
are flooded with pornography.

Lan Su, commentator: “Jiang Zemin controlled the army
through large promotions for cadres and generals.
Those people still hold their posts in the army.

The teaming up of the 4th and 5th generations of leaders will
create a better chance to get rid of Jiang’s remaining force."

However, Hu Jintao was also said to have exerted
his influence on the army through promotion and wealth.
After he became the chair of the CMC, rather than
promoting officers, Hu raised the military salary three times.
In 2006, the military army had a doubled pay raise.

In other words, Hu Jintao won military allegiance
with a monetary exchange.

China Affairs magazine editor Chris Wu analyzes that
employing Hu Jintao’s military guidelines is just Xi’s strategy.

Chris Wu: “Regarding the army and the political arena
of the CCP, army corruption is worse than the local party.
The army is uncontrollable.

To Xi Jinping, in order to handle the army,
he has to hold on to Hu Jintao.
It is very important for his leadership."

After the conclusion of the Third Plenum, Xi Jinping
took a series of actions.
He rearranged local leaders, established patrol agencies
in the military and armed police, and formed a completely
new logistical equipment department by merging
the departments of general armament and general logistics.

The general armament department was formerly ordered
by Jiang Zemin.
Prior to the 18th National Congress,
the directors were appointed by Jiang.
The armed police have been under the control of Jiang’s
politics and law committee for stability maintenance.

Recently, Xi Jinping also conducted intense adjustment
of the high level armed police.
Guizhou military commander Li Yazhou and Sichuan
military commander Wang Shenghuai swapped positions;
Chengdu army political department director Liu Jiaguo
was promoted to Sichuan military commissar.
Zhejiang military deputy political commissar Ma Jiali
was promoted to Jiangxi military commissar.

Meanwhile, Heilongjiang, Gansu, and Zhejiang
armed police corp commanders, have also been replaced.
They are Yang Lixin, who was armed police chief of staff
in Heilongjiang, Bai Haibin, who was deputy commander
of armed police transportation in Zhejiang, and You Hanbo
who was the armed police division commander in Gansu.
All former commanders of the provincial armed police corps
have been retired.

Chris Wu: “The heads of each department
have been replaced.
However, the ones under them wouldn’t necessary
follow.
Each department and region has its own adherent
interest and conflicts."

Commentator Lan Su analyzes that Xi Jinping was aware
of these existing interests and networks.
He comprehensively rearranged both local and army
personnel to prevent conflict with the central.
However, this new arrangement will inevitably lead to
insecurity in the officialdom and bring about new problems.

Interview & Edit / Lee Yun

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